Now we can know exactly who it is who is asking for ransomware, exactly who it is who is interfering with elections, exactly who is making and receiving crypto-currency payments, exactly who is trying to infiltrate infrastructure, computer systems and social networks.
It busts the world of bad cyber-actors wide open.
The thing is we don’t want the bad actors to know we have the HG. Only six people in the UK and six in the US know that we’ve got it, and we and the US have agreed to keep it hush-hush while we quietly take out the worst trouble-makers while they still think they’re anonymous.
My dilemma is how to make a buck out of an infinitely valuable but very likely short-lived capability without divulging it to anyone else. I have one advantage – access to the intel which the HG generates.
I call up the Permanent Secretary.
“Have we got any diplomatic invitations pending from the Turkish or Brazilian embassies?” I ask.
“Might I ask if this is in connection with cyber attacks, Secretary of State?” asks the wily old bird. It’s just like him him to know that 20% of all cyber attacks come from these two countries.
“Good Gracious me no,” says I all innocent, “these are fast expanding economies – very important potential partners for our post-Brexit trade deals.”
“Hmmmmm,” says the PS, “I believe the Brazilians have a do coming up quite soon.”
“Send over the details and keep this strictly entre nous – we don’t want the French interfering.”
The Frogs are the current bogeymen for all our attempted trade arrangements at the moment.
My strategy is to sidle up to the key man in the embassy, outline the cast-iron proof I hold of the connection between El Presidente and the local hacker community and extract a suitably generous consideration for not shopping him to the Yanks.